Alexander Hamilton, The Farmer Refuted (1775) By Steve Straub Published April 7, 2011 at 9:06am Share on Facebook Tweet Share Email Print. JCHW description begins John C. Hamilton, ed., The Works of Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1851). To crown the whole, at the expiration of a few years, if their representatives have abused their trust, the people have it in their power to change them, and to elect others, who may be more faithful and more attached to their interest.
The commons of Great-Britain spoke more in the supercilious tone of masters, than in the becoming language of fellow subjects.
mankind. That, therefore, the house of commons has no such authority. To grant, that there is a supreme intelligence, who rules the world, and has established laws to regulate the actions of his creatures; and, still, to assert, that man, in a state of nature, may be considered as perfectly free from all restraints of law and government, appear to a common understanding, altogether irreconcileable.
Had our petitions failed, we should have found our difficulties multiplied much more, than we can imagine; and, since there was the highest probability of a failure, it would have been madness to have hazarded so much upon so unpromising a footing. Alexander, please! âBut she is a great nation, has vast resources, may easily supply the want of our trade, by making very small concessions to Portugal, Russia, Turkey, &c. Should our non-importation distress her manufactures, every man may employ himself to labour on a farm; and the price of grain would be much advanced, in France, Spain, and the Mediterranean.
What need is there of a multiplicity of arguments, or a long chain of reasoning to inculcate these luminous principles?
Perhaps it is from a complex motive.
The advantage, we should receive, from the probable cheapness of English tea, was played off, with every exaggeration of falshood; and specious declamations, on the criminality of illicit trade, served as a gilding for the whole. You are pleased to assert, âthat the charters of Rhode-Island and Connecticut, are simply, matters of incorporation,â and produce an extract in confirmation of this assertion.
Hence also, the origin of all civil government, justly established, must be a voluntary compact, between the rulers and the ruled; and must be liable to such limitations, as are necessary for the security of the absolute rights of the latter; for what original title can any man or set of men have, to govern others, except their own consent? Thus have I fully examined that argument, which is esteemed the bulwark of the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy; and I flatter myself, clearly refuted it. When we say French dominions, we mean countries subject to the King of France.
Instead of endeavouring to establish their authority in the affection of their subjects, they think they have no security but in their fear. Instead of the present millions, derived annually from our trade, we should be so distressed and reduced, as to be for many years to come, a burthen, and not an advantage.
They were ignorant even of the theory of war: We are well acquainted with it; and, therefore, should more easily be brought to the practice of it; and be sooner taught that order and method, which we are deficient in.
Heed— and impious doctrine, was, that he disbelieved the existence of the digital edition. Look at the cost âIn the mean time,â he said, âthe West Indians might have the satisfaction of starving.â To this statement Seabury replied: âAnd to see them starve, I presume, would be a particular satisfaction to you.â See Seabury, A View of the Controversy, 30. We have already materials enough among us, to keep us in cloaths, longer than Britain would have any appetite to continue her hostilities. Linen is a staple manufacture of hers, and the sole means of subsistence to a large part of her inhabitants. It is as much as any free people can concede, and as much, as any just people would require. Any other method may only bewilder and misguide the understanding; but this will soon lead to a convincing and satisfactory crisis.
You, Sir, triumph in the supposed illegality of this body;
Don’t let them lead you astray
The disingenuity of your extracts (to give it no harsher name) merits the severest censure; and will no doubt serve to discredit all your former, as well as future labours, in your favourite cause of despotism. Samuel Seabury , a Loyalist who is very much against the Revolution, sings against it, reading " Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continental Congress " while the ever-sassy Alexander Hamilton fires back with his support of the change of power and his friends by his side - along with an already thoroughly …
But what was the use and design of this privilege? 23.Â This quotation is from Blackstoneâs Commentaries, Book I (âOf the Rights of Personsâ), Ch. are necessary to preserve the essential rights of any society, Hence it follows, that the first and primary end of human laws, is to maintain and regulate these absolute rights of individuals.â Blackstone.12. You omitted this, and gave quite a different turn to the matter; but herein you acted not at all discordant with your usual practice. Men may then betake themselves to the law of nature; and, if they but conform their actions, to that standard, all cavils against them, betray either ignorance or dishonesty. 12.Â The quotation is from Blackstoneâs Commentaries, Book I (âOf the Rights of Personsâ), Ch.
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